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Deployment of better trained, organized, and requisitioned colonial troops. at the same time, the ability of the rebellious liurai to keep up the resistance must also have been facilitated by the licit and illicit trade in firearms, averaging imports of a round 1000 annually until prohibition was enforced in the 1880s.2 as we have seen in chapter 5, it was to coffee that governor affonso de castro turned and with labour supplied by forced cultivation along the lines of dutch governor van den bosch's infamous culture system as implemented in java from the 1830s. veritable "coffee wars", as pelissier styles them, de castro's new dispensation was clearly based upon the erroneous assumption that the subjects would willingly deliver up their labour power in the grandiose project of rescuing the fisc. to be sure, the position of governor of timor was no sinecure in the year between 1867- 1894. a dozen insurrections and revolts, the assassination of a governor and other intrigues guaranteed that this would be so. but was all rebellion necessarily anti-colonial? not at all. pelissier contends that conflict between tile reino was as frequent as wars waged against the despised malai.3 while we are concerned in this chapter of find logic in the succession of rebellions that washed over the island of timor, especially in the way of finding a correlated behaviour between outside pressures and native responses, we should not at the same time ignore the quality of warfare in timor, the timorese-funu which, to outsiders, offered up highly ritualized and irrational features but which also revealed a leitmotif across generations or at least imparted an inter-generational quality to rebellion in timor. colonial pacification and rebellion in timor it is notable that one year after the 1859 lisbon treaty, the colony was divided into ten districts by governor de castro. to this end, first ten and then eleven district military commands were established to head districts assisted by a secretary. as the embryo of the modem politico-administrative system on timor these commands were centred on, respectively, dili, manatuto, viqueque, lautem, vemasse, alas, buursuco, cailaco, maubara, and batugede. oecusse was added in 1863.4 in theory, according to pelissier, the system was that of indirect rule. the batalhao defensor forces or the mixed force of portuguese, goanese, macanese, and mozambiquans created by governor luis augusto de almeida macedo were, by law, forbidden to interfere in the internal administration of the reinos, and required the prior consent of the liurai before central government orders could be executed. while de castro's new dispensation represented a departure from established portuguese colonial doctrine, as pelissie points out, in practice, the low calibre of officers and soldiers in the field meant that the autonomy of the reinos was of ten breached with impunity.5 it was also the case, as lawson observes, that the leaders of a bout 50 petty kingdoms were not consulted at all. rather, they were confronted with "new forms of administrative interference". in addition, the liurais were ordered to grow coffee and expected to yield 20 per cent of their harvest to the portuguese authorities the portuguese also interfered in the timorese subsistence economy. those kingdoms not cultivating coffee were obliged to offer up one-tenth of their rice-harvest. but while rice was not the most important crop in many areas, it was important for all kinds of ceremonies and feasts. in line with the dutch model, the timorese were obliged to sell their coffee to the portuguese authorities for a price set by the colonial administration. equally, the onus was placed upon native chiefs to oblige their people to cultivate coffee on their land and to deliver up their labour to state-owned plantations.6 lawson comments that the "granting of military ranks, levying of fintas, forced cultivation of cash crops and the division in districts controlled by portuguese military officials.were not only measures which gradually embedded the kingdoms into a colonial system, the liurais also became more directly dependent upon the portuguese authorities". she continues: "forced cultivation of cash crops, forced and contract labour, illegal recruitment and starvation wages, became all parts of a far from admirable colonial policy". 7 the finta, pelissier writes, actually became the central "symbol of submission" for the native population, a political tax cutoff from all demographic and political reality. fixed at an insignificant sum of 2, 803 rupees anntla11y, it grew over the years until in 1866 the reinos had defaulted to the tune of 60, 000 rupees or double the totality of budget receipts of timor and twenty times over their annual fixed assessment. in pelissier 's acerbic comment, "what better demonstration of the absence of submission to colonial power than the powerlessness of the fisc to facilitate the montagnards to.
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